November 29th 2025.
For the next three days, Naya Raipur is preparing to take on the role of a "mini-PMO" as it hosts the 60th National DGP/IGP Conference, with the presence of top officials from the Indian security establishment. This includes prominent figures such as Prime Minister Modi, Home Minister Shah, National Security Advisor Doval, as well as DGPs, IGs, and chiefs of every Central force. It is a rare occurrence for the entire internal security command structure to temporarily move out of Delhi. The state is buzzing with activity as the government spares no expense to ensure a smooth and secure event. Government residences have been upgraded to meet SPG standards, eliminating the need for VVIPs to stay in hotels. With over 650 vehicles and 2,000 security personnel in place, everything is meticulously planned and executed. The spectacle is impressive, but the real question is whether there will be any lasting impact beyond the grandeur and showmanship.
Whenever the Prime Minister ventures outside of Delhi, the bureaucracy immediately springs into action. However, once the motorcades depart, the pace of things returns to its normal, leisurely speed. This conference will truly be put to the test when it comes to seeing if any meaningful changes come out of it or if it simply becomes another annual review. The timing of this gathering, just after the killing of Maoist commander Madvi Hidma and ahead of the government's deadline to end Left-wing extremism, sends a clear message that the state is in control and expects its policing and intelligence agencies to match the urgency. This conference is not just for show; it is a display of the government's determination. The bigger question is whether this determination will translate into better intel-sharing, smoother inter-agency coordination, and more effective policing. India has never been short on impressive conferences or polished presentations, but what it lacks is a lasting institutional memory that prevents every crisis from sparking a cycle of reinvention. However, there is a glimmer of hope in Raipur. If the meticulous planning, coordination drills, and logistical prowess exhibited over the next three days are translated into long-term systems, then this "mini-PMO" experiment might actually leave behind more than just photo opportunities. Otherwise, it will just be another instance of a beautifully choreographed event that fails to bring about any real change. For now, all eyes are on Raipur, but the true test will be what happens after the VIPs have left and the lights have dimmed.
The Centre has given IAS officers a deadline of November 30 to make a decision that will have a significant impact on their retirement. They have been asked to choose between three options for their pension scheme: Old Pension Scheme, National Pension System, and Unified Pension Scheme. The Old Pension Scheme offers the comfort of guaranteed payouts and no exposure to market fluctuations, making it a nostalgic choice for many. On the other hand, the National Pension System requires individuals to take on some risk and depend on investment performance for their retirement. The newest option, the Unified Pension Scheme, attempts to offer a balance between the two, with some assurance, some market exposure, and a lot of trust in the government's decision. What is noteworthy is not just the variety of choices but also the sense of urgency attached to it. When bureaucrats are asked to make a decision quickly, it is a clear indication that pension reforms are no longer just theoretical. The pressure on the government to address fiscal concerns and plan for future liabilities is real, and they can no longer afford to delay decision-making with endless committees. For officers, this is not just about choosing a pension scheme; it is a referendum on their own view of their future - whether they prefer a risk-averse and cushioned retirement or are open to reform and adapting to changes. December will reveal which sentiment prevails.
The Ministry of External Affairs has a jam-packed schedule this week, dispelling any notion of Indian diplomacy coasting on autopilot. The agenda is less of a schedule and more of a diplomatic obstacle course. While Prime Minister Modi's recent trip was limited to the G20 Leaders' Summit in South Africa, the real action is happening around it. The anticipated visit of Russian President Putin in December has already sparked a flurry of geopolitical calculations, making it a key event to watch. India's longstanding ties with Russia remain strategically valuable, but managing them while avoiding the appearance of being too close to Moscow, particularly with the watchful eye of the US, requires finesse on the part of the MEA. Meanwhile, the situation in the neighborhood is far from stable. Bangladesh, typically a reliable partner for India in South Asia, is currently facing significant turmoil. With former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina sentenced to death by the interim government and calls for her return from Dhaka, tensions in the region have escalated. Against this backdrop, the low-key arrival of Bangladesh's National Security Advisor Khalilur Rahman in Delhi is anything but routine. It is a critical moment for crisis management. India's deep-rooted interests in Bangladesh mean that any instability in Dhaka is not just a headache for its neighbor but a direct strategic and economic risk for India. Add to this the need for India to assert its autonomy, navigate great power rivalries, reassure its neighbors, and prevent global forums from turning into empty talk shops, and it is clear that the MEA has its work cut out for them. It is not just a matter of being busy; it is a constant battle of firefighting, building bridges, sending signals, and recalibrating - often all at the same time. Indian diplomacy is facing multiple challenges, and there is no room for error.
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